I'm going to be straight with you: these next two years under a Democrat House and Senate are going to be very difficult.

And very dangerous.

I have an obligation to tell you the truth, without sugarcoating it. These next two years will, in fact, be perilous for America. But this fight isn't over. In some ways, it's just beginning.

And in case you needed another reason to realize the gravity of the situation we find ourselves in, consider the following scenario.

According to Axios, Democrats won control of the governorship and both legislative chambers in five states on Tuesday: Pennsylvania, Michigan, Arizona, Wisconsin and Nevada. That means, generally speaking, they can push their agenda through those states.

Ordinarily, you might say, "Todd, I don't live in those states. Why do I care what those lunatics do?"

Because they can change the way America elects the President of the United States. And you're not going to like it, at all. If this happens, it could genuinely jeopardize the ability of Republicans to win that office any time soon, if ever.

The president is the only office that every single voter casts a ballot for. But the president isn't directly elected by the overall popular vote nationwide. By the way, if you needed any other evidence that America isn’t a democracy, there you go.

But let’s return to discussing how the president is currently elected.

Each state gets a number of electors equal to its members of the House plus its two senators. There are 435 House members and 100 senators — giving us a total of 535 electors spread across the 50 states.

But there are also three electors for Washington, D.C., giving us a total of 538 electors. (Don’t get me started on this.)

To win the presidency, a candidate needs a majority of those 538 electors (270). Under this current system, a candidate can lose the popular vote and still win the presidency. In fact, that has happened five times: John Quincy Adams in 1824, Rutherford B. Hayes in 1876, Benjamin Harrison in 1888, George W. Bush in 2000 and Donald Trump in 2016.

But Democrats don't like our Constitution or the constitutional republic it established. They prefer pure democracy, because they understand how easily they can manipulate the useful idiots among the masses.

Over the past several years, 18 blue states and Washington, D.C. (which shouldn't have electors at all) have made a pledge. It's called the National Popular Vote Interstate Compact.

Typically, a state's electors go to whoever wins that state's popular vote. For example, my state of Indiana has 11 electoral votes. Trump won Indiana in 2024, so all 11 went to Trump.

Every state does it this way except Maine and Nebraska. Those two give two electoral votes to the statewide winner and one to the winner of each congressional district.

The states in this compact have agreed to do something different: give their electors to the candidate who wins the overall popular vote in the country.

The deal is on pause, so to speak, unless or until the states in the compact account for at least 270 electoral votes. Right now, they have 222.

If all five of the states Democrats just took over join the compact, it will have 283 electors. That would trigger the compact across all states that agreed to participate in it.

And it would mean the only way someone could win the presidency is by winning the national popular vote. Your vote would still be counted in the national popular vote numbers, but your state's voice in electing a U.S. president would become completely powerless.

This is a very legitimate possibility, and we need to be aware of it and prepared to fight it.

Republicans control both chambers of Congress until the new Congress is sworn in on January 3. And, much to the dismay of Democrats, Donald Trump will remain president until January of 2029.

This is a big deal for several reasons, but one of those reasons is appointments to the U.S. Supreme Court.

We know the President nominates justices to the Court when there's a vacancy, and the Senate must confirm those nominees.

Democrats are still livid that Republicans refused to confirm Merrick Garland back in 2016, when Barack Obama nominated him to replace the late, great Antonin Scalia.

Senate Republicans said at the time that since it was an election year, they were not going to give their consent on Obama’s nominee. Instead, the American people could factor the vacancy into the way they voted in 2016.

In other words, you could decide if you wanted Hillary Clinton or Donald Trump to make that appointment.

And fortunately, Trump won. Because of that, he was able to appoint not just one, but three justices over the course of his first term.

Now Republicans are facing another stark reality moving into 2027. The two oldest Supreme Court justices happen to be the two most reliably originalist voices on the Court: Clarence Thomas, 78, and Samuel Alito, 76.

If they decide to retire when Democrats control the Senate, Democrats will block any Trump nominee until after the 2028 election (just like Republicans did in 2016).

And who knows what will happen after that?

Because of this, some Republicans, including Senate Majority Leader John Thune, have floated a plan that could, in theory, let Republicans replace Thomas or Alito between now and the swearing-in of the new Democrat Congress. Thune has said a lame-duck Supreme Court confirmation "can be done."

A lot would have to happen, including the retirement of one of these two fantastic justices and a very efficient confirmation process. But all of this is theoretically possible.

Now, I wouldn't hold my breath. Alito said last month that he intends to stay on the Court through this term. And we have no reason to believe Clarence Thomas is set to retire anytime soon. But it is something to keep in the back of your mind as Republicans try to navigate this very unpleasant road before them. After all, if they could pull something like this off, it could be of great strategic importance moving forward.

Rush Limbaugh used to say that he would tell his listeners when it was time to panic — later explaining that it is never time to do so. After Tuesday, some folks are questioning his reasoning. We discuss on the Toddcast.

I also get into the interstate compact that could effectively end the Electoral College before 2028, the Supreme Court problem that arrives in January, what the left posted about abortion the night of the election, and what I tell the seventh- and eighth-grade girls I coach about losing.

Here's a clip from today's Toddcast:

The Western Journal — the piece I referenced on air: the five states Democrats just took outright, and what that means for the national popular vote compact.

PJ Media — the other piece I referenced on air: the one Supreme Court move available before the Senate changes hands, and John Thune saying "it can be done."

Axios — the Wednesday report the Western Journal piece is built on.

National Popular Vote — the compact's own page: 18 states and the District of Columbia have enacted it, totaling 222 electoral votes, 48 short of the 270 that would trigger it.

Stateline — which legislative chambers flipped on Tuesday, and which states Democrats now hold top to bottom.

Bible Gateway — Romans 8:28, the verse I pointed to in the first segment.

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